Defeat U.S. imperialism for the proletariat and all oppressed nations: clarification and reaffirmation on the Chicano national question

Defeat U.S. imperialism for the proletariat and all oppressed nations: clarification and reaffirmation on the Chicano national question

Recently we were made aware of an online French left-leaning blogger who wrote a criticism of our updated line on the Chicano Nation. In that blog – Servir le Peuple – the author made an impressive amount of ignorant interpretations, stated outright falsehoods and asserted an overall typical and standard cowardly line on indigenous national liberation for the internal colonies of the U.S.

We know this person is only an individual blogger with little influence so therefore holds a low priority for engaging in criticism. However, an opportunity has presented itself and we would like to use it to clarify and reaffirm several points within our updated Chicano Nation position paper.

Colony and internal colony: two distinct treatments

Our edgy blogger, which we are told is the French version of our very own Christopher Winston and his lonely island of phony Maoism (which actually is an eclectic mixture of Third-Worldism, identity politics and nationalism dotted with Marxist slogans making a coherent, yet cataclysmic, line), attempts to show the incorrectness of our updated line on the Chicano Nation by comparing our “faulty” position to that of Vietnam and their heroic anti-imperialist national liberation war. In this comparison, they go on to show the complete ridiculousness of opposing the Vietnamese national liberation war in favor of a “revolution in the whole empire” (where this quote originates from is not explained by our edgy and mysterious blogger) and abandoning the other French colonies in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean.

They are either dishonest or ignorant as they attempt to apply the logic in our position paper. Never mind that we don’t say that, that we don’t oppose national liberation anywhere on the earth, including the U.S., but rather uphold the right to self-determination which includes the right to secede from the parasitic oppressor nation; we unite with Red Guards Austin’s “Sunbelt Thesis” which argues for a countrywide, multinational Maoist Communist Party initiating in the Sunbelt region. We add that while this is done, there will be special attention to the Chicano, Black and indigenous nations that make up the region – those actual nations. In theorizing possible outcomes, the two theses in our paper, we do not rob the Chicano Nation of its right to develop and steer its own course toward national liberation, even including secession – we only warn against its dangerous vulnerable position within U.S. imperialism. We, additionally, theorize a political-military method to guarantee victory – for the proletariat and all internal colonies in the U.S.: Protracted People’s War.

The continental U.S. has internal colonies, which are oppressed nations, inside its belly; we cannot imagine a completely independent oppressed nation nearly surrounded by U.S. imperialism, even more so aggravated like a fallen wasp nest, not constantly attacking and threatening the very existence of the independent nation. So we say, why not coordinate all internal national liberation wars under a highly centralized, hierarchical political-military proletarian machinery? We must surround the enemy, and not the other way around!

Our French blogger also says it’s not wrong to focus solely on Chicano national liberation first over other oppressed nations, indigenous and Black – a self-criticism and subsequent change we made in the updated Chicano Nation paper. The blogger correctly says that history has shown through the Vietnamese national liberation war that other oppressed nations, including the French colonies like Algeria, will subsequently rise up. When the torrent of national liberation opens up, it is impossible to dam it back up. Much like socialist revolution. This is a universal truth.

But the comparison between the French colonies and the internal colonies of the U.S. isn’t the same. It is similar but not the same. The internal continental, geographical aspect will factor in significantly how the revolutionary war will develop. Methods for offshore colonies and internal colonies deserve two distinct approaches because geography – or national territory – plays a decisive role in the survivability of the nation. Still, we assert, victory for the oppressed nations is more guaranteed through a coordinated and highly-centralized political-military organization, the militarized Maoist Communist Party.

But this point also is perhaps the most fascinating part of our author’s blog because it actually serves to reinforce our position, even though that was not their obvious intention.

Yes, Vietnam continued fanning the flames of national liberation wars across the world. National liberation wars were being waged worldwide from the 1950s to the 1980s. In fact, we are still seeing national liberation movements being waged around the world, but infused with communist leadership. Many were successful in their violent severing of their ties to colonialism and imperialism. But U.S. imperialism was still left intact, only missing a few inches from some of its tentacles. We need more mortal blows to the multi-tentacle beast of U.S. imperialism! And where better to start and end it all than inside the belly of the beast itself, to tear it up from the inside, gutting it by the revindicating colonized.

It is evident that our blogger has exposed their erroneous premise that a colony is the same thing as an internal colony and should therefore be resolved in the same manner, everywhere, anywhere, forgetting about distinct objective concrete national conditions, especially geographical (territorial) conditions – a vital aspect to the Marxist criteria of nationhood.

But as Marxists, we must be against dogmatism, of lazily treating all things as the same. That is mechanical and anti-Marxist.

As we have illustrated, a colony like formerly Vietnam to French imperialism is different than an internal colony like Palestine to Israeli settler-colonialism. An internal colony is a type, or form, of a colony. The French colonies were trading and military posts for the French colonial, and then imperialist, empire. These colonies – Most overseas (Africa, Southern Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, etc.) – were not, however internal colonies. Not even Northern African Algeria. Internal colonies hold a distinct characteristic: they are settler colonies where an indigenous population has been displaced, and often genocided, by the settler population as part of long-term occupation. We’ve precisely seen this with the conquest of Turtle Island – of the U.S. – by British, French and Dutch settler-colonialism.

However, there are universal truths present in all colonies, which of course include internal colonies. Many are oppressed nations, but not all – such as the original thirteen colonies of the European settlers in New England, although they would later go on to form the White Nation with further expansion, genocide and conquest. All colonies have restrained and oppressed economies due precisely to the fact that a parasitic mother country, or empire, maintains a direct steady stream of exported capital back home from the colony. And all social classes of colonies that are oppressed nations are oppressed, even the bourgeoisie.

Nonetheless, an internal colony requires a specific and distinct analysis. In the U.S. we maintain that the internal colonies, which are also oppressed nations as laid out in our Chicano Nation position paper, include: the Black Nation, the continental indigenous nations and the Chicano Nation. Outside of the continental U.S., other colonies include Puerto Rico, Guam, Virgin Islands, Hawaii, Mariana Islands and American Samoa.

We assert this while knowing there is much more work needed to be done in fully theorizing precisely which indigenous groups constitute nations and which do not – some nations have historically been destroyed by the violent horrors of settler-colonialism. We also assert that in our above-naming of the indigenous nations, on or off the continental U.S., not all indigenous groups are nations. This is not indigenous erasure; it is a sober acknowledgement of the permanent effects of colonization. This will perhaps be the most controversial point, but one that needs to be grappled with by all genuine Maoists authentically interested in indigenous national liberation. We must seriously tackle the national question and cease parroting slogans without arriving at conclusions using revolutionary Marxism.

Maoists are brave and daring, not cowardly and unquestioning

At the first moment of taking on the historic and heavy title of Maoist, of announcing an ideological commitment to PPW anywhere on the earth, on mastering revolutionary violence as the proletariat’s heart beat, you must find yourself brave and daring for you have surrendered your life in revolutionary service to the people and the Party. There is no room for refusing to struggle due to fear – of anything! Communists, Maoists, are not cowards. We also question everything. The national question is no different, even though some supposed Maoists don’t dare theorize on indigenous nations out of fear of being labeled as chauvinistic, racist or insensitive.

North American Maoists in particular have a lot of work to do – ourselves notwithstanding – in more fully theorizing the national question in their respective countries on the continent. But Red Guards – Los Angeles at the very least has taken a small step in the direction of saying not all indigenous groups are automatically nations in the Marxist sense. But nonetheless all indigenous groups deserve revindication and a place in the destruction of U.S. imperialism. This isn’t a revelation. But absent in the canon of the U.S. and Canadian Maoist movements is a coherent and detailed theorization and handling of the native/indigenous/First Nations through a Marxist analysis. Why is that? Are we afraid of the very act of venturing into an area highly controversial and sensitive? Never mind that those carrying out the investigations are themselves, ourselves, indigenous.

But don’t dare say a word of that to our French blogger, who asserts: “This is, above all, nothing but [a basic] attempt to drive the US Maoist movement, whose internal [colonies’] CENTRALITY is obvious, under White leadership by using these fallacious arguments.”

So the non-white Maoist investigators of the national question are driving the U.S. Maoist movement into the arms of white leadership? How exactly? Why is it automatically assumed the countrywide multinational Maoist Communist Party will be white-led? Can it not be fathomed, stretching the brinks of our imagination, that the U.S. Maoist movement may in fact retain oppressed nationality leadership? Or could it be that in these criticisms there comes to surface a strange and subtle white supremacist notion that we are mostly victims and not revolutionary agents?

Even still, identity and all backgrounds are subordinate to mastery of a political line and mastery of two-line struggle. Leadership emerges through class struggle and revolutionary war. White or not, great leaders will emerge and we would be unforgivable to turn them away for a lack of melanin. Nonetheless, the country’s Maoist theoreticians are made up of white and non-white revolutionaries.

This earth-shattering revelation destroys the little worlds of the Third-Worldist escapists, the anticommunist pork chop nationalists and edgy French bloggers.

Recently a good and useful article titled “Interrogating Social Media” appeared on the new website struggle-sessions.com. In it, the author spells out this parroting syndrome popular in the left:

Inversely there is the example of the often repeated mantra in the revisionist left “RG (A, LA, KC, C, PGH) are all white” no matter how many times reality contradicts this claim it is repeated and repeated. The people who already detest the political lines of these organizations and this movement come to re-center their gripes along the lines of identity and away from any coherent political critique. They repeat the essence of “antifa is the real fascists” but insisting that these multinational organizations with a high percentage of people who are not white are really all white. Proof is not needed for fascist type propaganda which builds on a basal resentment no matter how deep down it resides. Again the more people repeat the unfounded lie the more people come to believe it—this is only a superficial belief which lends to the instability of this method of propaganda. Here this mythical “whiteness” is only used to whip up guilty emotions and cannot stand as an actual critique, since race does not determine political viewpoint and race science is denounced by Marxists. What is insinuated is far more devious, charges of “all white” implicitly claim that these organizations either bar people who are not white from joining (making them white supremacist organizations) or that they just consciously refuse struggle alongside the most oppressed sections of the masses, and focus exclusively on white struggles (again white supremacy)—in both cases this translates to arguing that an anti-fascist movement is the real fascist movement. The so-called internet left has come around again to agree with the internet right.  Since repeating lies is the argumentation of the internet personalities, we find ourselves having to repeat the truth, a truth which is not always in line with the controversial Jerry Springer type entertainment which these people want to consume—the RG movement across the country is diverse, and with a consideration for the population diversity in this country if anything has a higher representation of people who are not white than the per-capita demographics of the country, not that this is a particularly crucial point when evaluating a political line or the quality of work exemplified by a movement.

As detailed in our paper, and elaborated more in the upcoming book “Colonization and Vengeance: Toward a Maoist Analysis of the Chicano Nation,” three lines exist on the Chicano national question: Socialist reunification, national minority (or the Chicano Nation liquidationist line) and Chicano national liberation line.

Our blogger ends their short criticism with a call for the socialist reunification of the Chicano Nation with Mexico, as well as a multinational indigenous republic hurriedly lumping in all 500-plus indigenous nations (Never mind that they offer no Marxist analysis for a single one of these nations). These are massive assertions with a gaping chasm of theoretical backing. They are empty claims. This is sloganeering and repeating what the nationalists, Third-Worldists and revisionists say.

But we owe it to the oppressed, to the natives – the native nations and groups, the Chicano Nation, the Black Nation, all U.S.-occupied native land – to apply Marxism as the science it is to investigate and analyze the concrete national conditions and to move toward a revolutionary war against U.S. imperialism. After all, we are in the third epoch of worldwide strategic offensive – having been initiated by the Communist Party of Peru and Presidente Gonzalo in 1980 at the start of the People’s War and the synthesizing of Maoism as the weapon of the international proletariat. Despite bends in the road, retreats, restorations, the proletariat and oppressed nations victory over capitalism and imperialism is guaranteed.

Chicanos make up a distinct nationality, apart from Mexico. Historically, ever since the robbing of nearly half of Mexico’s territory at the end of the Mexican-American War in 1848, Chicanos have been rounded up by the White Nation, brutalized, displaced from their land, tortured and killed. In Mexico, people of Mexican descent did not and do not experience Mexican national oppression. They are the majority and in power. Our culture, economy, language and territory are vastly different from that of Mexico, and of course the U.S. We don’t belong anywhere except here in the Chicano Nation, in our home. Our population has called this land home for thousands of years. Many of our indigenous lineages can be traced to the Aztecs, who are native to the Southwest, as well as Yaquis, Pueblos, etc. Chicanos, like the Canadian Metis, only became a nation through settler-colonialism, war and struggle. To be Chicano is to acknowledge your indigeneity forever altered by colonization, understanding that often for many of us there is no home tribe or nation we can name. But our families go back generations to the Southwest, before and after 1848. We therefore are not immigrants. We are natives.

We have to quote a summary of this line from our position paper. It is unavoidable. It is baffling that our blogger upholds socialist reunification but it is apparent they did not bother to even read this section! So here it is – we want to force this down the throat of any revisionist who dares assert socialist reunification is viable:

It is a thoroughly revisionist and even racist position, despite its militant posturing. It is revisionist because it liquidates the Marxist conception and position on nationhood. The Southwest region, regardless of one’s thoughts or opinions, is a vastly different area culturally, politically, economically and linguistically from Mexico – and even from the rest of the U.S. Union del Barrio and the other pan-nationalists claim the Chicano Nation belongs to Mexico, that it is undeserving of independent nationhood, for in their ultimate flat analysis all of Latin America, including the U.S. in it – which they dub Nuestra America – is one, vaguely, ignorantly and proudly.

A reunification of the Chicano Nation with Mexico would be disastrous. There is nothing progressive of integrating into a narco-fascist corrupt capitalist empire. How would this reunification strengthen or advance the proletarian struggle? It wouldn’t. It would devastate the Southwest, sending it backwards, not forwards.

Even the socialist part of their reunification line is inconceivable. They advocate for a reverse national liberation revolution while also simultaneously defeating capitalism and establishing a pan-American socialist republic. Why not just launch a Global People’s War to build immediate communism too while they’re at it?

Two contradictions cannot exist at the same time, occupying the same exact place; one has to overcome the other; one is primary, the other secondary. So, which is it? Does the Chicano Nation need to be returned to Mexico first? Or does it and the rest of Mexico need to launch a socialist revolution first? To advocate for both at the same time is, at best, an idealist death wish, or, at worst, a treacherous death wish.

You cannot uphold the existence of the Chicano Nation, defend its right for national liberation, while also saying that nation should be returned to Mexico. Returning a nation to a nation-state liquidates said nation. Aztlán is its own nation. It is not, like our French blogger says, “Northern Mexico.”

Why we changed our line from separatism to countrywide PPW

To uphold national liberation one must uphold the nation as a whole, including the social classes of said nation. After all, national liberation is not about the proletariat emancipating itself but the nation freeing itself. The Chicano Nation – as a nation – has the two fundamentally and diametrically opposed classes, the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. But the bourgeoisie is small, and even smaller is the national bourgeoisie – the most progressive sector of the bourgeoisie. The Chicano bourgeoisie is mainly comprador and cannot be united with for they are the lapdogs of U.S. imperialism.

The Chicano proletariat is the revolutionary subject in the Chicano Nation and is part of the countrywide and international proletariat, the harbingers of revolution and death to capitalism.

As stated in our updated Chicano Nation position paper, we changed our line supporting the establishment of an indigenous republic of the southwest governed by a Joint Dictatorship of the Proletariat of the Indigenous and Chicano Nations because of the inevitable and unavoidable risks and dangers to the survivability of the liberated nation and all other oppressed nations, in particular the Black Nation.

A revolution – a PPW – on the continental U.S. land base would have to apply the most advanced strategy and method of warfare to guarantee victory and lasting liberation. The only proletarian method of war is PPW. Applying this method in the U.S. must involve a countrywide PPW, not an isolated (be it national or sectional) PPW, and encircling the enemy from the edges of the continental U.S., jointly working with indigenous nations and the Black Nation – primarily focusing on their proletariat. PPW has to start somewhere. And for the U.S., we reaffirm RGA’s thesis that the revolution will start in the Sunbelt region, most likely in the Black Nation, and sweep up and around the entire country like a crescent eclipse, closing in on the final phases of a fading moribund U.S. imperialism.

This by no means is the final chapter in theorizing PPW in the U.S. prison house of nations. More articles, not only from RGLA and other Red Guards formations, will be published in the near future elaborating more on how PPW must be a culmination of correct Maoist conclusions, bringing the correct development of the militarization of the Party and the masses, the concentric construction of the Maoist Three Instruments, the Party, the People’s Army and the United Front, and of bringing the correct understanding of our country’s national question into the fore.

Critics like the French blogger would, without a sound analysis (let alone a publicized position), posture for Chicano, indigenous and Black national liberation but only parroting the words of others and doing no independent investigation – how do we know this? Because they offer no Marxist basis and explanation of how their theory is correct. They are scared revisionists. This is the trend of contemporary revisionists who claim to uphold the banner of Maoism. They say all the right things; PPW is universal; Revolutionary violence is the universal law to conquer political power; the mass line incorporates the sea of masses into the People’s Army; we must militarize the party and the masses. They repeat everything without fully knowing what they are saying. They are cowards, afraid of being found alone and interrogated as to why they are Maoist. They’ll cower and capitulate to postmodernist identity politics when confronted by paper tigers of color. They are cowards and undeserving of compassion.

Throw away petite-bourgeoisie phrase-mongering and posturing! Investigate, apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism! Uphold the three components of Marxism: dialectical and historical materialism, Marxist political economy and scientific socialism. Investigate and question everything. Formulate correct lines on the national question, particularly in the U.S. The colonized subjects in the U.S. do not deserve paternalism, pity or tokenism; we deserve to be the masters of revolutionary warfare against U.S. imperialism. Nothing else will suffice.

To be a Maoist in the U.S., especially belonging to one of the oppressed nations, means to be brave and daring and firm on the universal truth of rupture as the basis for transformation and unity. As Maoists, as the PCP affirms, we are condemned to win!


Downloadable PDF of this document here.

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Updated position on the Chicano Nation

Updated position on the Chicano Nation

Recently, Fourth Sword Publications released a book on the growing Maoist Movement in the U.S., “Documents on the U.S. Maoist Conference for Line Struggle.” The book, a collection of position papers written for and presented at the conference, is nothing short of historical.

Red Guards – Los Angeles, for several years, has been working on various political lines and theoretical positions. One of which is the Chicano Nation. So much study and research has gone into this that the following document is merely an abridged version of a much larger work – due to be published by Fourth Sword Publications soon.

Prior to the conference, our line on the Chicano Nation was that it would move toward a national liberation revolution prior to socialist integration with its own distinct Maoist Communist Party. The Chicano national liberation would consolidate itself with the establishment of an Indigenous Republic of the Southwest governed by a Joint Dictatorship of the Proletariat of the Indigenous & Chicano nations. During the conference we received a lot of criticism, of which we united with the majority. After the conference we continued line struggle with comrades in Austin and also united with much of their criticism. We have, since that time, changed our position to uphold RGA’s “Sunbelt Thesis,” which calls for a countrywide Maoist Communist Party, with a launching of Protracted People’s War in the Sunbelt region of the U.S., principally in the Black Nation.

Because “Documents on the U.S. Maoist Conference for Line Struggle” has already been released (and is currently sold out) and being read and studied, we feel obligated to release the updated paper in its entirety available as a downloadable PDF. This version will be available in the second edition of the book.

Below we post our updated theses on the Chicano Nation, as it appears in the larger document:

 


 

… But most importantly, and our gravest error, was that the Chicano Nation would move toward national liberation prior to or during socialist integration into a countrywide dictatorship of the proletariat. While we did not idealistically wish for a Communist Party of the Chicano Nation or Aztlán, we now warn that it would be dangerous to the countrywide socialist revolution – precisely because it would abandon the rest of the oppressed nations within the prison house U.S.

We say that the fundamental and antagonistic contradiction of national oppression exists and continues to rack up national casualties, deaths, imprisonments, deportations, economic and political repression.

RGLA operates in the Chicano Nation. We understand our national context. We are part of the Chicano Nation’s up-and-coming leading Maoist revolutionary organizations. We have consistently maintained Chicano leadership in the organization and in all mass projects and organizations. There is a growing Maoist presence and leadership growing. Inside our nation there exists intense line struggle, with nationalism representing the capitalist line and Maoism representing the proletarian line.

We take lessons away from the Kurdish national liberation movement and the liquidation of proletarian theory and leadership (at the time Marxism-Leninism) and the capitulating to petite-bourgeois leadership by the PKK (which now calls for democratic federalism). We must uphold and represent a Communist line. Nationalism poses a reactionary threat to the national liberation movement of the Chicano Nation. The nationalists would lead the nation through a bourgeois national liberation movement. Like revolutionary China with its Communist Party leading their national liberation movement, so to must the countrywide Maoist Communist Party led but not exclusively focus on one nation at the expense of others.

Precisely because of the criticisms we have received, namely from RGA over our subjectivism and incidental chauvinism – of putting the Chicano Nation as the center of our analysis without contextualizing its relation to the Black Nation – both nations making up the country’s Southern Sunbelt region – we have revised our position on Chicano national liberation by theorizing two possible scenarios or theses as detailed below, one of which is RGA’s “Sunbelt Thesis,” of which we unite with. We are not laying out two options but rather possibilities as a warning and urgent push into immediate theorizing and struggling over the countrywide national question.

For Chicanos, as a colonized nation, self-determination is of the utmost importance. The question of national self-determination, at its most profound essence, is really a question of freedom. There are several positions on the national question and specifically the Chicano Nation, but generally there are two possible outcomes, or theses, in the movement toward Chicano national liberation. They are:

  1. The separatist line: that the liberation of the Chicano Nation may exercise its right of secession from the U.S. and establish an indigenous republic of the Southwest governed by its own national Communist Party before, during or after countrywide PPW.With this trajectory of the Chicano national liberation struggle, the nation could take the form of an independent indigenous republic of the Southwest. But even though it could be governed by the proletariat of the oppressed indigenous nations and the Chicano Nation of the Southwest, it would effectively abandon the entirety of the rest of the internal colonies such as the native nations outside of the Southwest and especially its immediate neighbor to the east, the Black Nation. That sort of prioritizing of Chicano national liberation over all other oppressed nations – even if governed by the proletariat of the Chicano and indigenous nations – is counter-revolutionary for its abandonment of the countrywide proletariat. We would effectively abandon revolutionary (continental) internationalism and say with this secession and construction of the independent republic, you are all on your own, come what may.The size of the indigenous population and nations in the territory and their kettled reservations must factor into any national analysis, even if it’s only speculation. Educated and informed speculation is not a hindrance to a revolutionary movement. It enables revolutionaries to strategize for possible outcomes – even though those ideas are truly only tested when applied.

    Indigenous revolution is part and parcel to the history of the Chicano Nation and its Southwestern territory, but revolutionary class struggle also has a place in the heart of the Chicano Nation history, as laid out in the book – miner, port workers, railroad workers, and agricultural and industrial proletariat struggles in and out of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, Texas, Colorado, Utah, and parts of Kansas, Oklahoma ad Wyoming.

    However, we are against a federation model giving separate oppressed native nations complete autonomy without a centralized body of leadership. We are against federalism, not for wanting to dominate the Chicano, Black or native nations or its people (contrary to what nationalists or Third-Worldists would idealistically criticize us for) but rather for arming them – us – with the weaponry to guard the revolution and defend it against counter-revolutionary forces.

    The secession of the Chicano Nation, while a right for any oppressed nation in exercising self-determination, would support a dividing up of oppressed nations in the country and not uniting the oppressed nations as the strongest weapon against their principal enemy: U.S. imperialism.

    An enemy surrounded by one army under one centralized command is far easier to topple rather than several autonomous armies surrounding the enemy. War calls for discipline and hierarchy – especially the greatest war on earth, PPW against the U.S. – an army capable of annihilating the enemy from the face of the planet with revolutionary vengeance.

    As Communists, especially operating within the Chicano Nation, our aim ultimately is to unite the people and the proletariat, not to delineate unnecessarily oppressed nations from one another. That would be bundism, which we reject. The principal national enemy of the Chicano Nation, other indigenous nations and the Black Nation is the oppressor White Nation, the U.S. So, then, a more effective strategy is uniting the proletariat of all oppressed nations against the U.S.

    The Chicano Nation is oppressed by the U.S. Our complete freedom, beyond national freedom, will only come when the U.S. is destroyed and reconstructed under socialism administered by the dictatorship of the countrywide proletariat.

  2. RGA’s sunbelt thesis as generally summarized in “Condemned to Win”: That PPW will initiate in the sunbelt region – the Southern half of the U.S. mostly following the Northern borders of both the Chicano and Black nations – specifically in the Black Nation region; that both the Chicano and Black nations will not secede but integrate, without their own separate national parties, into the countrywide project of socialist construction under one multinational Communist Party. The multinational countrywide Communist Party is a necessity for the destruction of the S. and the liberation of all people, all oppressed nations, from national oppression and capitalist-imperialist exploitation. To advocate for one oppressed nation to be liberated while the rest are still being held captive in the prison house of nations is treacherous. The nationalist line is: we matter firstly. The Communist line is: all of us or none of us – but not as a moral choice, rather a political-military strategy.National liberation is not being liquidated in this thesis but rather it is integrated into the socialist revolution because anything other than a centralized militarized Maoist Communist Party leading a countrywide PPW will guarantee colossal failure. The Party’s role would be to form and lead national liberation-specific organizations to win over and militarize the oppressed nations’ masses under a Communist line and reject a nationalist line. Nationalism leads to capitalism. Internationalism leads to communism.

    In the past, the national question has been poorly theorized – with either capitulating to Great White Nation Chauvinism and liquidating national liberation struggles entirely or abandoning socialist revolution in favor of nationalist-capitalist segregation. These two lines have been well documented in the New Communist Movement. But even as far back as the 1940 and 50s, the arch-revisionist CPUSA led by Earl Browder had pushed the liquidation of oppressed nations, namely the Black Nation as theorized by Harry Haywood, in favor of a more patriotic American (chauvinism) trajectory toward socialism. This has plagued the national Communist movement into the present and is embodied in the revisionist Chicano national minority line.

    And so a line must be clearly demarcated by Maoists that we must not liquidate the right to self-determination of oppressed nations, in our outside of the U.S. The oppressed nations/internal colonies of the U.S. require painstaking dedication of theoretical study – especially the native nations lightly touched upon in this book. Failing to treat the right of self-determination for oppressed nations seriously is a rejection of Leninism. Maoists must not tail national liberation struggles; when we are nationals of those oppressed nations in question, we mustn’t merely be critical supporters but instead be active participants – to win over a proletarian line from a nationalist-capitalist line.

Whatever scenario is to come to fruition, a central truth that cuts through the two theses presented is that the Chicano Nation has played and will subsequently play a crucial role in the coming PPW in some resemblance of unison with the Black Nation. The Maoist forces within these nations, namely RGLA in the anti-gentrification movement and RGA in the antifascist movement, have already planted the seeds to grow the most advanced pre-Party formations in the Sunbelt region. Following that premise, a Communist Party must be leading the Chicano national liberation movement ensuring that a nationalist hegemony capitulating to capitalism does not win out. Whereas the first thesis called for a separate national Maoist Communist Party of Aztlán, the second thesis still gives priority to Chicano national liberation but working in unity with the Black Nation and all-around priority given to concentric construction of the countrywide Maoist Communist Party, the People’s Army and the United Front.

Because each of the two theses uphold the Chicano Nation as an oppressed nation and internal colony and does not dispense with its necessary liberation and freedom, these theorized trajectories all fall under the Chicano National Liberation line. The theses are not options. We are not arguing that we can pick and chose one over the other; we are theorizing of a future where the possibilities revolving around the oppressed Chicano Nation and a Maoist Communist movement will produce one of these two possible outcomes, and we will move toward the realization of the second thesis, that is, formally adopting RGA’s Sunbelt thesis.

National liberation is a permanent aspiration of an oppressed nation throughout its continued oppression; but if the oppressor nation – in our case, and most of the world, being the U.S. – is destroyed, then the oppressed nation ceases to be oppressed. Both theses are predicated on a revolutionary war – PPW – intended on destroying the U.S. For our people, our class and our nation to be free, the U.S.’s domination over our lands must cease to exist.

We are experience a growing hegemony of the Maoist movement in the country, but principally in the Chicano Nation with RGLA and Red Guards Austin, the latter being the principally-Maoist leading pre-party force. We must seize the time.

The masses demand revolution; our task is to give that to them; our fate is sealed in the glory of this condemnation

The masses demand revolution; our task is to give that to them; our fate is sealed in the glory of this condemnation

The following is a speech given by supporters of Red Guards – Los Angeles earlier today, May Day 2018, in Boyle Heights. The rally and march was one of the only independent and militant attempts at rescuing May Day from the claws of the bourgeoisie and its revisionist lackeys.

Police presence was astonishing with dozens of cruisers on the streets surrounding the march-bloc, helicopters overhead and California Highway Patrol blocking freeway offramps. Pigs in riot gear and in formation were salivating for a confrontation, but remained still and confused like stupid dogs.

They were expecting an all-out war but we only, merely reaffirmed the war already in existence. Nonetheless, we out maneuvered the pigs, blockaded several streets as the march-bloc continued onward, regrouped to go over strategy.

Lessons to draw from today are plenty. But the main one is that all actions must be seen as militarized operations in preparation for revolution. Capitalism is death. Revolution is life. We aim to live!

The Haymarket massacre and its martyrs: remember this day that enshrined May Day into its historic place back in 1886 when thousands of workers organized and organized strikes for an eight-hour workday and revolution. On that same day pigs killed four workers and charged anarchists with conspiracy and sentenced six to death. Since then it has been 132 years, and what has become of this day?

Maoism teaches us that sometimes things turn into their opposites.

May Day has become a state sanctioned parade with pig escorts, with the labor aristocracy at the forefront holding hands with the treacherous comprador nonprofit poverty pimps who poison our people and the working class everyday with their sugar-coated bullets. A day that is supposed to commemorate the international proletariat! A day that is supposed to commemorate the working classes of the oppressed nations and internal colonies, those who face white national oppression and capitalist-imperialist exploitation! A day where we are supposed to show our power, has become another day for sloganeering; it has become another day for revisionist to posture, bark empty demands, and show their oppressors that they have no teeth with which to bite.

We stand in solidarity with the Red Guards and principally Maoist collectives who are working towards the creation of the Maoist Party. We stand in solidarity with Maoist parties across the world who are committed to building socialism and fighting revisionism through People’s War!

The white chauvinist left has been absent from national liberation struggles of the colonized indigenous nations, forced into the ghettos, the barrios, the reservations, the prisons or the grave. The proletariat and its allied sectors and classes continue to suffer from hunger, unemployment, homelessness, patriarchal violence and overall viciousness accelerated by the continuing and sharpening capitalist crises such as overproduction, under-consumption, drop in capitalist profits, stagnation of wages, while the US leeches off the laboring masses of the proletariat of the oppressed nations of the Global South.

No longer can we squalor this day! No longer can the people continue to receive the short end of the stick from the US. What do we have? Nothing! What do we want! Everything! We shouldn’t speak in the abstract. What needs to be done is the concentric construction of the three weapons of revolution: the Maoist Party, the Maoist People’s Army, and the Maoist United Front. What needs to be done is to militarize the masses and all the pre-Party Maoist formations!

Through Serve the People – Los Angeles and its course in mobilizing the masses for revolution through its People’s Committees and its anti-ICE defense units, we are unshakable with optimism that the seeds of the People’s Army have already been planted and that each day, each new step in the class struggle led by Serve the People – Los Angeles, shall we see those seeds germinate into an unstoppable armed, disciplined and centralized army!

Through the women’s popular defense units we will soon see proletarian feminism emerging in quantifiable and invincible progress, neutralizing the enemies of the people who prey on proletarian women, especially from the internal colonies, organizing the fury of proletarian women to unleash it as a force of revolution, wiping out all reaction, from the exploitation at the centers of production to the oppression of the residual patriarchy that reproduces itself in the home, in abusive relationships and from the repressive state apparatuses.

We who uphold the universality of Protracted People’s War must begin training and casting off the revisionist gossamer of pushing off armed struggle into a far-off future, until the conditions are so-called right. It is rightism, and hence a betrayal to the people, to hold off on the construction of the People’s Army until U.S. capitalism becomes even more reactionary. The masses do not yearn for the instant gratification of spontaneous leaderless riots. They yearn for revolutionary structure and leadership of proven selfless revolutionaries and a concrete strategy.

We must prepare today, yesterday and tomorrow for the prolong confrontation, the protracted war, against the capitalist state. We must carry out military actions against the enemies of the people! We must steel ourselves in the fire of class struggle everywhere it is in its sharpest stages – such as production and housing.

Comrades! Los Angeles! Boyle Heights! On this May Day, we not only hoist the scarlet banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, but make it known that this is a reaffirmation of the escalation of the strategic defensive into equilibrium in the war against gentrification! A war that is part of the larger Protracted People’s War getting ready to be born every day Maoist build links with the masses and carry out the mass line, which contains revolutionary violence, as the vehicle to revolution!

We declare war against all things poisonous to the people and our revolutionary cause. War on gentrifiers! War on parasitic slumlords! War on real estate vultures! War on capitalist developers! War on local government sellouts like the city council! War against local vendidos who put their own interests, lining their pockets with the blood-money of the oppressed and exploited, instead of the benefit of the people. War on the treacherous revisionists who masquerade themselves as radicals or revolutionaries who claim to be “communists,” “Marxists,” “Marxist-Leninists,” even some who falsely claim allegiance to “Maoism.” War on the fascists, while currently in decline, continue to militarize into paramilitary organizations! War on the enemies of the people!

If we are not concentrically constructing the Maoist Party, the Maoist People’s Army and the Maoist United Front, while militarizing the masses and our pre-Party formations, then there is no defense against gentrification, against ICE, against those that have been brutalized and exploited for centuries. The only salvation to the proletariat, in this country, in its oppressed nations like in our Chicano Nation, and outside of this country, is the militarized masses and the firestorm of Maoism!

To quote El Partido Comunista del Peru who held the banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, high on this day:

We asked ourselves, how will we develop the Party? A plain and simple response is: Through armed struggle.

The masses dream of revolution, of revindication. Our country’s working class knows only two roads: barbarism or socialism. And both require violence but only in the latter is that violence revolutionary and mastered by the proletariat, its Party and the masses.

On May 17, 1980, after the Party’s First Military School held on April 19, El Partido Comunista del Peru initiated the armed struggle, the People’s War, and released a document to forever-commemorate that glorious day in history, In it, they said and we repeat:

The masses tremble, the flood tide rises, and the storm approaches. Reaction in this country as well as in the world, also dreams of soaking the revolution with blood and fire, of drowning it in blood. These are old, dark, and violent dreams. They are not facing the same situation as yesterday.

Our task is clear: only through revolutionary violence can the masses create real political power! As we continue to fulfill this task the lines of demarcation between us and our enemies of every stripe begin to take form. As we, genuine communists, Maoists, prove ourselves to the masses and fully immerse ourselves in their lives and struggles which is part of the larger class struggle, these self-proclaimed but fake “revolutionaries,” these revisionists and all other enemies, begin to be thrown away like the rotting waste that they are.

Nada es imposible!

Comrades, we have seen and been heavily involved in the developments within Boyle Heights. From the victories on the anti-gentrification front, it becomes evident that the path we are traveling is the correct one. With the working class tenant front in Boyle Heights, it becomes evident that the masses yearn for blood, for vengeance and liberation! The masses are fighting back and we will guide them toward victory through revolutionary violence and warfare!

Que viva Los Guardias Rojos!

Que viva El Marxismo-Leninismo-Maoismo, principalmente Maoismo!

Que viva las masas!

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Make May Day Red Again!

Make May Day Red Again!

Once upon a time, May Day used to be the most significant day for the international proletariat. From its 1886 origins from the streets of Chicago, turned red with the blood of the Haymarket Martyrs, in the fight for the eight-hour workday, May Day gave the proletariat a fighting spirit in the U.S. It gave our class some of its first communist and anarchist martyrs in this country.

May Day gave fear to our enemy, the capitalists and their lapdogs, with their historically-sealed fates growing nearer.

The first drop of blood spilled was at the expense of the proletariat, but the last drop of blood will not come from our veins. 

May Day has been co-opted by supposed “communist” and “leftist” organizations. It has turned into a police-permitted, capitalist-sanctioned-and-celebrated parade. 

In fact, just last year we even saw well-known populist pan-nationalist and fake socialist organizers follow the liberal #resist march, not to mention the rewarding speech by bicyclist-gentrifier Mayor Eric Garcetti himself at the end. The same capitalist mayor that has ushered in destructive gentrification throughout Los Angeles!

How dare any of these organizations and capitalists use this march – this day! – as a rallying call for their reformism, for their revisionism, for their labor aristocratic arrogance!

We must fight tooth and nail to free red May Day, the fighting spirit of the proletariat, from the clutches of the pro-imperialist, pro-gentrification, pro-settler-colonialism liberals!

May Day was never meant to be a parade with police escorts and city permits. The first May Day was illegal!

No more are we waiting for permits to take over streets. No more are we going to succumb to the liberalism and danger of having police escort us. We don’t need the pigs, we have each other.

We call on proletarians and the oppressed – the undocumented proletarian immigrants, the oppressed nation’s working-class women and trans militants, the working-class renters – to join supporters of Red Guards – Los Angeles and rally at Mariachi Plaza and march with the red flag! Time and route will be disclosed later today due to pig surveillance on Boyle Heights organizers and revolutionaries. 

Join us today, May Day, as we make it red again, in Boyle Heights. Please keep an eye on our Facebook event page where we will be posting important updates today.

We must dare to struggle, dare to win! We must pave the way for the proletariat and the oppressed to follow our path toward Protracted People’s War and communism!

Come angry, wear a mask! Bring red flags! Bring the ruckus! 

Long live International Workers’ Day!

Long live Red May Day!

 

With proletarian women and revolutionary theory, all is possible: criticism and self-criticism on incorrect gender theorization and practice

With proletarian women and revolutionary theory, all is possible: criticism and self-criticism on incorrect gender theorization and practice

Intro: rectification and conference

Earlier this month Red Guards – Los Angeles’ (RGLA) gender rectification project “Unlearning Patriarchy,” now known as “Arming Ourselves Against Patriarchy: Creating the Women’s Guerrilla Defense Unit,” was invited to and participated in the conference “#HowIWillChange: A Conference for Men to Deal With Our Sh!t.”

RGLA, with the guidance of Red Guards Austin, initiated a gender rectification campaign approximately two years ago when it was discovered that a member at the time had physically assaulted a woman. Leadership expelled the person and constructed an internal gender rectification campaign for the main task of transforming the men in the organization into proletarian feminists, and to better their understanding of gender and practice. Approximately one year ago, RGLA’s gender rectification campaign took on a semi-public character when we started hosting monthly workshops on patriarchy and capitalism, Unlearning Patriarchy. The workshops, the series overall, had a dual character: 1. to continue on with the internal gender rectification campaign – each RGLA member or supporter had their own particularities for their own specific gender rectification, 2. to politically bring up the men in our social and activist circles who also have bad gender practice and theory, with many women in their lives suffering because of this.

The conference, largely inspired by the #MeToo Movement, was organized around the idea of men dealing with their misogynistic behaviors, ideas, tendencies, etc. The conference was organized by men in the community and was hosted at a community center in Vancouver, Canada. Speakers and participants came from various parts of Canada and even the US, including many community members from indigenous nations in the regional area. Although the conference did focus on men speaking, engaging, transforming themselves and each other, women and trans people also participated.

Facilitators and leaders of Unlearning Patriarchy, as a project reaching its end, saw this as a good opportunity to engage with different community members regarding the history, present, and future of the project. RGLA saw this as a good way to reflect, self-criticize on the projects shortcomings, and engage in good-faith criticism on multi-tendency spaces that speak of transforming society by transforming the individual, especially on “challenging, unlearning, countering, decolonizing” patriarchy, but do not build revolution nor do they know how to get there.

The conference was a big umbrella space for leftist and community members looking to end misogyny in society and within ourselves. But the conference, like all bourgeois institutions and manifestations, was incidentally about how to continue operating capitalism, and how to continue surviving under capitalism.

Like the reformist nature of the state’s nonprofit suger-coated bullets, all manifestations of supposed solutions to the contradictions and problems of capitalism, patriarchy and settler-colonialism that do not uphold and reaffirm revolutionary war as the method of resolving the principle antagonistic contradiction, that between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, is actually counter-revolutionary in essence.

The conference was devoid of revolutionary politics, Marxism. There was no guiding ideology or analysis exposing the contradictions of capitalism, its relation to patriarchy and how to destroy it. Of course, aspects and sub-aspects of patriarchy were discussed but not sufficiently analyzed and struggled over theoretically (e.g. defining terms, violence in homes, what causes individuals to become violent, how violence is around us all the time, etc.). While settler-colonialism was only vaguely discussed as a principle cause for much of the sub-aspects of patriarchy like misogyny and objectification, there was no scientific correlation as to how patriarchy predated the European conquest and settlement of present-day Canada, its development through private property and the ascension of the family economic unity and the state. There was no analysis as to how patriarchy gets reproduced in capitalist society or the type of character – antagonistic or non-antagonistic – of the relationship between proletarian men and women.

It was a space for men to openly talk about what was wrong in the dominant capitalist culture, how culture reproduces misogynistic ideology and actions, how men themselves do so too in their daily lives, and how to better combat that as individuals. But here the conference speakers perpetuated a line that RGLA had adopted early on, which was fundamentally incorrect. That is, a flattening of all men, regardless of class or nationality, who perpetuate equally patriarchy against women. Secondly, as mentioned earlier, the conference and RGLA had upheld a political line that interpersonal relationships between men and women under patriarchal capitalism – as opposed to the incorrect “capitalist patriarchy,” which puts patriarchy first as the principle contradiction – can be “unlearned,” while not completely, to a lower more bearable level. It is of little to no concern about the individual’s concept of gender or patriarchy; it is far more important to adopt a collective, in our present state the pre-party formation, political line on the position of proletarian women, in and outside of the internal colonies/oppressed nations, under capitalism and to strategize a resolution to the contradiction between the sexes.

We assert, now, that the contradiction between proletarian men and women is not generally antagonistic and therefore does not require a revolution between men and women to resolve this contradiction. The non-antagonistic contradiction between proletarian men and women however may, at times, become antagonistic and often results in violence and even murder of women. However, there is a direct correlation between the contradictions of capitalism and the precarious economic position the proletariat occupies. Violence exits in proletarian neighborhoods. Violence against women exists in proletarian neighborhoods. Violence against women exists in the oppressed nations in proletarian neighborhoods. This violence does not exist constantly but rather under regular peaks of sharpen imperialist economic crises like recessions, massive job loss, offshoring, outsourcing and state policies that heightens the exploitation of the proletariat and increases the level of national oppressed by the white nation against the internal colonies/oppressed nations like mass housing displacement (gentrification). Capitalism perpetuates violence, not the other way around. The former is explained by Marxism, the other is upheld by postmodernism and revisionist “Marxist”-feminism and other non-Marxist feminist schools of thought.

After the revolution the socialist construction of the dictatorship of the proletariat with a reconstruction and collectivization of domestic/reproductive labor will initially resolve the contradiction between men and women. Subsequent cultural revolutions can also resolve the more aggressive residue patriarchal ideas that linger on as the dying old ideas of a dying old world.

Thoughts on the conference: the good and the bad

Most conference speakers came from nonprofits and many were members of indigenous nations, and/or had academic backgrounds. A lot of the focus could be narrowed down to acknowledging settler-colonialism, intersectionality, and self-transformation by individuals.

Again, we repeat, if the goal is to end patriarchy, simply put, we argue that you cannot end patriarchy without destroying the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie; and only a revolutionary movement led by a militarized Communist Party guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, can destroy the capitalist state. Patriarchy came about with the advent of private property, the state and correlating social classes. We can only move closer to its elimination with the destruction of social classes. That is not an end all, by any means, but it is fundamental. It is the fundamental political line, and within the line contains the steps, to destroy the state and doesn’t exist in the idealist, un-Marxist world in which patriarchy will eventually crumble under its own weight; it must be destroyed through revolutionary violence, through a revolutionary war. Within this, however, we find unity with many non-Maoists organizations, movements and people. So to speak of destroying one without the other – capitalism and patriarchy – is to uphold both, just like how revisionism pretends to be Marxist and anti-capitalist when in reality to uphold revisionism is to uphold capitalism and/or its restoration.

Some thoughts on the tactics from the conference:

1) On nonprofits: Nonprofits are not revolutionary, nor do many claim to be (but some do, and ought not to lie to themselves and the masses). Many acknowledge their limits, but still they see the necessity of creating a better world. Beyond the fact that many nonprofits have contradictory roles within communities, like Self-Help Graphics & Art in Boyle Heights that works with the bureaucratic bourgeoisie actively displacing/gentrifying the proletarian community, as well as receiving money from the comprador bourgeoisie that make their wealth through exploiting other communities, what role do nonprofits generally play in society?

Nonprofits generally focus on issues that affect working-class families living under capitalism but look to put band-aids on them – that is, soften the contradictions of capitalism. Because of this they are only bourgeois instruments. Nonprofits who orientate to urban proletarian students receive a sub-par education, especially oppressed nationality youth. Nonprofits look at this national oppression or capitalist exploitation and says, “Let’s give them art classes, tutoring programs, mentors, healthier spaces to grow and learn.” Nonprofits who orientate to working-class families struggle to eat looks at this and says, “Let’s give them free food, help them find employment, provide amenities to survive the realities of capitalism.” All this, without a class analysis, sounds nice, is nice, and is subjectively morally good. But it keeps the proletariat comfortable in their shackles, the colonized subjects able to bear colonization. There is no freedom without violent confrontation. There is no proletarian emancipation, of men or women, without an ending of the political economic relationship to the means of production. There is no emancipation of the colonized, oppressed and exploited without the seizure of power. As Lenin and the Bolsheviks and Presidente Gonzalo and the Communist Party of Peru have asserted, “Everything is illusory except power!”

With a class analysis we see that nonprofits generally only exist and thrive off the contradictions of capitalism. They do not seek to destroy the root causes of the issues they actively work around; they do not see the need of destroying capitalism in every way, shape and form. They see the need of transforming individuals and helping them out in their basic needs to make capitalism more bearable and survivable for them. They, in practice, reinforce capitalism by putting band-aids on contradictions that should be used to sharpen revolutionary moments and movements in aiding and ushering the destruction of the old, sepulchral capitalist world.

2) On the performativity of Unlearning Patriarchy: This is a criticism and self-criticism. You cannot unlearn patriarchy. An attempt to do so is, at its best, an exercise in performative, empty posturing. At its worst, it is actually treacherous to the emancipation of the proletariat, especially proletarian women. Patriarchy is inherent in every aspect of society and it is reinforced every second we live on this earth under capitalism. That is one of the functions of society’s superstructure. And to merely “unlearn” something prior to a hit to the economic base of society, or in absence in striking a hit against the economic base of society, is metaphysical.

At the start and much throughout the gender rectification campaign, we de-prioritized Maoist politics in favor of more immediate and interpersonal feminist politics. That is, we suspended Marxism. We put non-Marxist feminist politics in command. We did so because we saw the urgency in fighting relentlessly against the men of the cadre and supporters’ rampant patriarchal behavior, which included physical abuse against women but also included emotional/psychological abuse. We eagerly dove into publications by bell hooks, Audre Lorde, Silvia Federici and others, grasping for any semblance of male feminist practice. We found some good and correct ideas, but we also found many bad and incorrect ideas. We attempted to distill the good from the bad, see Silvia Federici’s immense research on the development of patriarchy and primitive accumulation or read about bell hooks upholding the need for multi-gender formations (she used concepts like spaces or convenings, but formations would be better said and applied). This wasn’t a total failure, however. We struggled internally and externally with allied women and men who were welcomed into the rectification campaign. It was during ideological struggle on questions of gender that Marxism began to rear its head in opposition to certain lines – such as the radical feminist assertion of the man-woman contradiction being antagonistic instead of the Marxist position of it being a secondary non-antagonistic one. However, the fact that Unlearning Patriarchy lasted as long as it did without enough fundamental changes to its mission and outcome means it was more a failure than a victory. Nonetheless, RGLA and our supporters did take away great lessons and mental transformation – which can only mean developing a militarized communist discipline and adherence to a life of revolutionary service and revolutionary prestige.

This is a path we have already embarked on and we cannot be removed from it; our feet are firmly planted and our resolve is growing harder and harder like communist soldiers – becoming.

This – patriarchy’s hegemony – will not change, no matter how many bell hooks reading groups we are a part of; it will not change, no matter how many more self-care books are published; it will not change, no matter how many feminist seminars are conducted – even if they call themselves anticapitalist or even Marxist; it will not change, no matter how many men’s circles gather to learn how to be emotionally available and vulnerable with their intimate partners; it will not change, no matter how gender-diverse your organization is in its membership. Healing is impossible. Representation is not power. It, alone, is identity politics. Revolutionary war – principally Protracted People’s War – is the only solution.

Patriarchy’s violent hegemony will only begin to be chipped away when the global proletariat, with a special emphasis on proletarian women from the oppressed nations of the world, are no longer under the subjugation of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

No longer will we suffice with the concept of unlearning – yes, men need to improve their gender practice but without an analysis as to why sexism exists and who benefits from it, unlearning becomes performative. Performative is generally radical in speech and reformist in action. One must literally arm themselves against patriarchy and build a revolutionary movement! If one commits to fight against patriarchy but not destroy the economic base that produces patriarchal ideas and relations, what was accomplished?

3) Lifestylism: Lifestylism focuses on an individual transforming themselves. That’s it, mainly. And this is generally what the conference was about. The environment is being destroyed by the amount of commodities we consume, so we must consume less. The amount of energy taken to grow beef, chicken, and pork drains natural resources, so we need to eat less meat and become vegan. Misogyny is rampant in society, so we must be genuinely nicer and smile more when walking around. That one company is fucking up a community, so then we must boycott it. Water is becoming more scarce and needs to be preserved, so we need to drink less, hah! We jest on this last point, of course, but that is where this line leads. It does not address the root of the problem or seek to transform it. Many tactics under lifestylism (which only are choices) might need to be taken up under revolutionary movements, but the revolutionary movement seeking to destroy that which treats life as a commodity must remain primary in every instance – otherwise capitalism is the end of the world and the human species.

4) “Check your privilege-ism”: The conference also brought awareness to settler-colonialism. Statements like, “this city is founded on violence by settlers” and “I identify as a settler” were made by presenters. Acknowledging settler-colonialism and the role it plays within patriarchal capitalism is very important, of course, but only acknowledgment so as to form a political analysis for revolution. To check your privilege is not only not enough, it is performative and politically stupid.

The postmodernist concept of “decolonization” is liberal political trickery that only preserves the colonizer’s world and their capitalist economy. The need to fight back against decolonization’s meaninglessness posturing and reassert revolutionary national liberation, primarily around the question of land, as Frantz Fanon originally had theorized it, is essential. There is no talk of fighting against colonization without fighting for the recapture of native land, of the homeland of the oppressed nations within the US and Canada. Otherwise, how can we talk about settler-colonialism existing without talking about how to materially end it?

Our political economic system in North America is settler-colonialism capitalism-imperialism. Patriarchy is a secondary contradiction, but one that can become and is mortal for women. But patriarchy is best studied from a class analysis. Bourgeouis women share very little with proletarian women. Proletarian women are alienated from their labor. They are abused, raped, brutalized, killed and left discarded in public parks like here in Boyle Heights and other parts of Los Angeles. Bourgeois women, as the gender of the dominant class in power, do not face that same reality.

A system such as ours, imposed upon the native, Chicano and Black nations, having colonized and genocided countless groups and even entire native nations – can we really talk about merely unlearning, checking privilege or decolonizing or deconstructing such a system without the use of revolutionary violence and vengeance?

Nepal Communist
RUKUM DISTRICT, NEPAL, APRIL 22, 2004: Maoist insurgents celebrate in Rukum district April 22, 2004 weeks after their attack on government troops in Beni when they overran the district headquarters, looting a bank, destroying the jail and torching government office buildings. The government said that 32 security personnel died in the clash and 37 were kidnapped. The clash was one of the deadliest since 1996 when fighting began to topple the constitutional monarchy and install a communist republic. The guerrillas’ strength is hard to gauge. Analysts and diplomats estimate there about 15,000-20,000 hard-core fighters, including many women, backed by 50,000 “militia”. In their remote strongholds, they collect taxes and have set up civil administrations, and “people’s courts” to settle rows. They also raise money by taxing villagers and foreign trekkers. Though young, they are fearsome fighters and specialise in night attacks and hit-and-run raids. They are tough in Nepal’s rugged terrain, full of thick forests and deep ravines and the 150,000 government soldiers are not enough to combat this growing movement that models itself after the Shining Path of Peru. (Ami Vitale/Getty Images)

Moving forward with the Women’s Guerrilla Defense Units

We are thankful that our supporter was invited and able to participate in the conference in Vancouver. As Maoists we will reflect on participating in future similar conferences that are multi-tendency and not revolutionary. Our proletarian communities, especially proletarian women of the oppressed nations, need and die each day that there is not a revolutionary vanguard. We cannot, they cannot, afford more academic and reformist conferences with no material revolutionary solutions and strategies. We are not fooling ourselves in thinking that that will be provided outside of revolutionary formation.

Proletarian women will be part of the leadership of this revolutionary struggle and it will be crucial for men to transform and become better comrades, not for personal gain, but as a necessary step toward ending all forms of injustices on this earth.

The Women’s Guerrilla Defense Units is still in its nascent steps but we are putting a heavy emphasis on political development and political struggle so as to lay down a concrete foundation capable of supporting nothing short of the towering project of continued preparation for the great revolutionary war against capitalism.

The masses die each day the militarized Party, People’s Army and United Front continues not existing. Proletarian women of the oppressed nations continue to die each day the Women’s Guerrilla Defense Units continues not existing fully. We must build as if the lives of the masses depended on it, for it does. We must build with the noble revolutionary abandonment that our lives are guaranteed to be laid down in service of revolution and the emancipation of proletarian women. We are invincible with the revolutionary development of a militarized proletarian feminism! We are unstoppable with the becoming-militarized masses full support and participation! We are immortal under the red banner of Maoism!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!

Long live the proletarian women of the oppressed nations, and the world!

Women hold up half the sky!

Long live all immortal proletarian women who fight and give their lives to the revolution!

Free Dallas: our fire cannot be extinguished

Free Dallas: our fire cannot be extinguished

 

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Sent to us by a supporter

Red Guards – Los Angeles (RGLA) sends its deepest solidarity to our comrades in Austin and in particular comrade Dallas who is, as we type this and as you read this, sits in a jail cell fighting for his freedom and to return as a die-hard supporter of the revolutionary communist movement.

We unite with the international outpouring of support for our comrade, from Turkey to Paris, from Norway to Kansas City, Pittsburgh, Houston, and now here in the eastside of Los Angeles. Boyle Heights lifts up the bold and daring communist character of comrade Dallas! Selflessness, revolutionary, always ready to give his life to the masses and the revolution!

We, too, are affected and moved to action and solidarity with our comrades resisting state repression in Austin. RGLA will not rest, will not spend a single hour or day without contemplating seriously on the release and well-being of Dallas and the growth of the revolutionary movement. The two are permanently connected.

The comrades in Austin were instrumental in the political development of our organization, and in particular Dallas and his comrade-fiancée – both facing serious jail time on suspicious charges most likely in cooperation with liars.

So many memories were shared with comrade Dallas and his comrade-fiancée. From sitting around a living room, drinking too much coffee, smoking too many cigarettes, line struggling over key questions of the movement, theorizing ways in which to stop their dog from shitting on the comrade’s carpet – analyzing whether or not it was a passive-aggressive treacherous act. Our revolutionary love and bond was cemented with dark and psychological-taxing situations that we inevitably persevered. Communism may not be love, but it is an invincible and immortal power that, like electricity, surges through the veins and molecules of its loyal soldiers and the masses.

Los Angeles swells with pride at the memory of our proletarian soldiers, comrade Dallas and his comrade-fiancée! We are sadden but as calculating as scientists with this sadness, turning it into revolutionary resolve and invincible motivation.

Long live comrade Dallas!

“Know-your-rights” legal clinics are not enough

“Know-your-rights” legal clinics are not enough

The intentions of a majority of the immigrant rights activists are noble and good. They themselves are often also undocumented – coming from families with undocumented immigrants. They, too, are tired of the raids and gestapo-like abductions by federal ICE agents of their loved ones. These activists are our friends.

But this has been going on for years, for decades.

Most recently under the Trump regime, the Know Your Rights legal clinics have increased in their frequency and even in their militancy, albeit measured. For this, many are grateful. They have walked up to the front door of the sheriffs headquarters without flinching – but the doors were locked, the buildings left untouched. Their actions are bold: blocking intersections, nonviolent die-ins and sit-ins in politicians offices, civil disobedience followed by the planned arrests, symbolic protests in front of government buildings.

But we must analyze our concrete conditions. Does the strategy and tactics of the immigrant rights movement match the concrete conditions under which proletarian immigrants live? Are they not brutally attacked? Or can it be said we are in a time of peace? Or is this not the time of war? It is either one or the other – like most military strategists argue. War and peace fight to dominate the other, like all aspects of all contradictions.

In wartime, symbols alone or civil disobedience in the battlefield is a direct invitation for suicide and defeat.

Symbols won’t stop the raids. Symbols won’t stop the deportations. Symbols will not stop the war against proletarian immigrants. Symbols have historically only been the decoration of a social movement or revolution. It is aesthetic.

What stops the armed enemy of the people? What has stopped the armed enemy of the people?

We are students of history. We are communists, Maoists, so we adhere to the ever-guiding principal of revolutionary violence and its rightful place in the hands of the proletariat, the masses and the becoming vanguard. As we have said before, now is the time of war. In war, both sides – the people and the enemy – require soldiers and battalions, among other things. What, then, are we to do but build up people’s immigrant defense units?

We are like the children of Presidente Gonzalo, the inheritors of universal and invincible Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism. We are the inheritors of the initiators.

Build the people’s immigrant defense units!

Fight ICE with fire!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!

 

 

 
 
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